Mass atrocities, as
defined at the 2005 United Nations World Summit, consist of at least one of the
following elements: genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against
humanity (Evans, p. 11). Genocide was defined by the 1948 Genocide Convention as
"acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national,
ethnical, racial or religious group, as such" (p. 12). These
subcategories of mass atrocities can overlap and are not mutually exclusive and
may simply be referred to "atrocity crimes" (p. 12). These
crimes are not new and were featured in the Bible and were committed by Romans
and Genghis Khan. The Peace of Westfalia in 1648 established the concept
of individual statehood or sovereignty, including immunity from interference by
outside powers (p. 16). Using the protection of sovereignty nations
committed mass crimes against their own people with impunity.
The principle of
sovereignty was perpetuated in the UN Charter of 1945, although the concept of
individual human rights was also promoted in the UN Charter and the 1948
Universal Declaration of Human Rights (p. 19). The holocaust trials at
Nuremberg brought more attention to mass atrocities and the world swore to
never again allow genocide, however states still on occasion slaughtered their
citizens. The concept of Responsibility to Protect was born in the 1990s
following the French declaration of the Right to Intervene in 1987 (p. 33).
The International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty
(ICISS) developed the concept and published their core principles in the 2001
report “Responsibility to Protect.” The
Basic Principles were that “state sovereignty implies responsibility, and the
primary responsibility for the protection of its people lies with the state
itself” and “where a population is suffering serious harm…and the state in
question is unwilling or unable to halt or avert it, the principle of
nonintervention yields to the international responsibility to protect” (p.
40). Later the 2005 UN General Assembly
World Summit agreed to “responsibility to protect populations from genocide,
war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity” (p. 48).
Gareth Evans, the author
of the book and President and CEO of the International Crisis Group at the time
of publishing, argues that despite agreement on the responsibility to protect,
there is disagreement on how it should be implemented and in which cases it can
be invoked. The author further argues
that prevention is key and actors; such as the UN, regional organizations,
non-governmental organizations (NGOs), national governments, and
intergovernmental institutions need to develop diplomatic capacity as well as
the capability for military and civilian groups to respond. However, the author reiterated throughout the
book that coercive (military) force should only be used in the responsibility
to protect as a last resort; after all other options and means of negation have
been exhausted. Military intervention should then only be implemented in
accordance with the UN Charter under specific mandates passed by resolution (p.
215).
Political will is the
final key ingredient in the Responsibility to Protect and lack of political
will is often the reason why the world does not respond to tragedies that meet
the requirements of intervention. The
author comments that many lack knowledge of atrocities and sometimes lack
concern for the situations they are aware of.
However, he also cites surveys that show the majorities believe that the
UN has the responsibility to intervene and states that decision makers need to
act (p. 233). In the end, the author
claims what is needed is moral and political leadership to act by those at the
top (p. 241).
Gareth Evans arguments are
sound and his analysis of the political process is correct, but he neglected
the roles of actors that stop the UN Security Council from agreeing on the need
to intervene. Russia and China are arms suppliers to most of the world and have
vetoed resolutions in the UN Security Council to protect people from
atrocities, as in the 2012 civil war in Syria (Spencer, 2012). Another weakness of the text is in the
author’s final chapter on mobilizing political will, where he should have
expounded more on mobilizing the population in favor of intervention. Generally, leaders respond to petitions from
their constituents and act under pressure.
The current emphasis on the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in the US by
the NGO Invisible Children and their viral video to Stop Kony2012 has resulted
in increased attention and legislative action by the US Congress to catch the
leader of the LRA, who is accused of mass atrocities (Mandell, 2012).
References:
Evans, Gareth. 2008. The
Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and For All.
Brookings Institution Press: Washington DC.
Mandell, Nina. 2012. Kony 2012 video inspires House resolution. New York Daily News, 14
March 2012 http://articles.nydailynews.com/2012-03-14/news/31183250_1_invisible-children-lord-s-resistance-army-ugandans
Spencer, Richard. 2012. Russia and China veto UN resolution on Syria. The Telegraph, 4 Feb
2012 http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/middleeast/syria/9061622/Russia-and-China-veto-UN-resolution-on-Syria.html
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